A state within a state, a state above the state, a constitutional coup, or the constitutionalising of Pakistan’s military are terms associated with the Pakistan Army’s interference in affairs that remain far beyond its jurisdiction. Initially, the army used to operate behind the curtains, hidden from public view, or, at most, takeovers were carried out under martial law, citing reasons that could be presented as national security or Pakistan’s stability. Now, the dynamics of military takeovers have changed. A prime minister is not necessarily ousted, executed or jailed, nor is an elected government necessarily thrown out. Instead, an elected government remains in place, just as in a normal democracy. However, rather than decisions being made, discussed and voted on in parliament, directions come from General Headquarters in Rawalpindi, from a person sitting in the office of the Chief of Army Staff, popularly.
One such example of Pakistan’s military hegemony is the decision to send troops to its ally, Saudi Arabia, in the Middle East, which is facing attacks by Yemen’s Houthi rebel group. Honestly, this seems like an entirely internal matter concerning Pakistan and its foreign policy, but what is truly surprising is that the decision came without a parliamentary vote. Usually, decisions involving national interests and foreign affairs are expected to be tabled in parliament, debated, discussed and voted on before a final decision is made. However, this felt like an overnight decision, as if the deployment of troops to Saudi Arabia had already been decided rather than proposed for discussion. The decision has raised eyebrows among political observers, who suspect there may be a different story behind the curtains. It gives the impression that the decision came from General Headquarters in Rawalpindi rather than from Islamabad.
There is no doubt that Pakistan’s Army, headed by Asim Munir, is the ultimate power and decision maker in Pakistan when it comes to sensitive matters such as foreign affairs, security and military commitments. These decisions remain in GHQ, Rawalpindi, rather than Islamabad. It seems that Pakistan’s elected government has no control over crucial and sensitive national decisions. Even media outlets that covered and published the news did not highlight the Pakistani government or Pakistan itself. Instead, headlines focused on Asim Munir and the Pakistan Army, such as ‘‘Asim Munir takes gulf role’’ “COAS FM Munir Skips Parliamentary Vote, Decides to Send Troops to Saudi Arabia.” I did not even see a picture of the Pakistani government, Prime Minister Shehbaz Sharif or parliament accompanying the news, only Asim Munir and the Pakistan Army. That is the level of irrelevance of Pakistan’s government in the international arena and recognition of the fact that the Pakistan Army controls the country. So, it is no longer hidden but an apparent reality that Pakistan’s Army has been constitutionally empowered through laws and amendments that favour the military, granting it impunity and maximum control. Pakistan talks of democracy, institutional freedom and the protection of rights, but its own institutions remain hijacked by military hegemony. An institution designated to protect citizens and guard the nation’s borders is behaving like an elected government. It is a fact that no Pakistani prime minister has served a full five-year term in the country’s history. Instead, prime ministers have often had to focus on saving their positions, while public welfare, education, healthcare, employment and the economy receive less attention. That is what is happening in Pakistan, where socioeconomic indicators remain poor.
Imagine the power of a single man holding the cards of an entire country, someone who is not elected but appointed, performing tasks that should be carried out by elected representatives. Decisions that are supposed to be made in parliament are instead being taken at GHQ in Rawalpindi. An important parliamentary vote is skipped by Asim Munir. This is not merely interference or influence; it is absolute power and control. Now, it seems that the elected government has become an extra territorial body, interfering in affairs that the army considers its own. The army is no longer meddling in civilian affairs; it is now completely and fully embedded in them.
Furthermore, this also exposes the Pakistan Army’s control over crucial national matters such as security and foreign affairs. These remain core responsibilities of any government in a democracy, whether fabricated or fragile, but in Pakistan, they appear to be largely handled by the army. This reflects the level of the Pakistan Army’s infiltration into the country’s affairs. It increasingly seems that Asim Munir is the face of Pakistan, while the government has lost its relevance and is reduced to ceremonial appearances and optics. Whether it is Iran US mediation, international alliances or security issues, Asim Munir is seen everywhere, on television, in cameras and in news headlines, making it seem as though Pakistan has no elected government of its own.
In the end, one can only predict that election will not be held, it may simply be a power transfer from one COAS to another, with the army heading the judiciary, media and bureaucracy fully and completely, as it does now.
Author can be reached at Email id: zeeshanshaguftabhat@gmail.com





